Shawki youssef biography of barack obama

Nélida Nassar 04.27.2022

Shawki Youssef is an artist who is trying to escape the restricting definitions of the art world within which he was educated. Seeking a more progressive and creatively rich reality, he makes “art” directly from his encounters with real life. The works currently exhibited at Beirut’s Mission Art Gallery are part of a three-roll series of 35 drawings initiated twelve years ago. The drawings in cool colors were sold out long ago. Those dominated by the red palette and depicting erotic and violent subjects are on display now. They were conceived onto a continuous paper roll and then cut out into 11 different equal  parts and mounted on cloth. 

The drawings have both abstract and figural elements in each one with strong brushstrokes and vivid colors. Reflecting the increasing socio-political turmoil felt throughout his native Lebanon, Youssef’s art explores the cyclical patterns of brutal history manifest throughout the Middle East. What persists in his practice is an expressive exploration of violence – of feeling, bodily motion, nature and its man-made counterpart. 

The artist mixes media with words, plus imagination and fantasy to depict a metropolis of the mind and memory. Streets, buildings and naked female bodies unfurl and unravel at once, as lines and strokes both built and decomposed. He captures the energy of life itself, particularly the life of women, expressed at its simplest, as a universal crucible of emotions, though not without ambiguity.

Youssef is also a serial collaborator with artists from different practices. At the opening of  this latest exhibition, he teamed up with a poet and a musician. These collaborators were never relegated to the background; their presence was strongly felt, and they sometimes took centre stage while Youssef himself retreated to the sidelines.  He brought together the poet Joseph Issaoui and a group of his former colleagues from various professions and artistic dis

"Not Huma Abidin alone." This very brief statement expresses what is going on inside the minds of many American politicians who are completely convinced of the Muslim Brotherhood's penetration of the Obama administration, with many articles, briefings and research messages talking about personalities which some security agencies in the United States claim have a direct relationship with the Brotherhood and its international organization. Perhaps the most famous story the American media dealt with months ago was 'Huma Abidin' Clinton's special adviser and her close friend, but what many people do not know is that there are 6 other personalities tied to the Brotherhood on the American political street .. We survey in this investigation information which has not been published before about these six personalities in the entire Islamic world, but there remains a question we cannot answer yet, but we are on the way to it. Are these six personalities tantamount to a turning point for the Obama administration from a position hostile to Islamic groups and organizations in the world to the largest and most important supporter of the Muslim Brotherhood in the world as well?

A Pakistani lawyer and prestigious professor in the struggle against terrorism and public security in the National Defense University in the United States, who was born in 1968 of an Indian father and Pakistani mother who emigrated to the United States in 1960, He graduated magna cum laude from the University of California at Irvine in 1990, obtaining a Bachelor of Arts specializing in Social Ecology. He studied Criminal Justice, Criminology and Legal Studies, and research which were conducted in Environmental Analysis. He joined the California Bar Association in 1993.

He gave many lectures in the School of International Security in the American capitol. He lectures on a variety of topics including the homeland and national security issues to the American Army. He is considered a specialist in the fie

“So what if we executed a million Egyptians to achieve our goals?” yelled Major Salah Salem, a leading member in Gamal Abd al-Nasser’s faction in the Revolutionary Command Council (RCC), in February 1953. “I did not stage a revolution to execute and repress Egyptians,” replied Colonel Yusuf Siddiq, a leftist officer who had resigned from the RCC a month earlier.

Siddiq was the man who took over the army-command headquarters on July 23, 1952, saving the coup by moving ahead of time and changing an already exposed plot. Siddiq was unaware that his co-plotters will not only send him to prison a few months later, but will also arrest and abuse his wife, his son-in-law and other family relatives. The reason? His support for a constitutional democracy. 

After exiling King Farouk I on July 26, 1952, the question of who should rule Egypt came to the fore: is it the elected or the armed? The answer was not straightforward. It was primarily a result of a political process in which the balances of power and terror were heavily tilted towards the armed institutions, or to be more accurate, towards some of its factions.

The story of constitutions and armed institutions in Egypt is a thorny and controversial one. It started in 1952 with a process of constitutionalizing the dominant role of the military in politics. Six decades later, Egypt faces the same thorny issue, but in a much bloodier fashion.

Politics of generals

The privileges of the army in Egyptian constitutions have steadily expanded since the 1952 coup. But the story begins a bit earlier. In the 1923 constitution, both the laws governing the army and the police force were left entirely in the hands of lawmakers in the elected parliament. This reflected one necessary form of elected civilian control over armed institutions. However, back then the army and the police force were not the dominant armed institutions; the balance of power